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Lee
Kuan Yew's India rethink
By
Kaushik Basu
Professor of economics, Cornell University
BBC NEWS WORLD EDITION
APRIL 25, 2005
When
it comes to crafting national economic policy, few political
leaders in the world have had the perspicacity of Lee
Kuan Yew.
Not only did he steer Singapore
from the Third World to the First in three decades, he
has written and commented on the economic problems of
different nations with remarkable prescience.
Concerning India, during
his term as prime minister of Singapore, he routinely
expressed pessimism.
"It was sad to see
the gradual rundown of the country," he once wrote.
Coming of age
It therefore caused a stir
when, earlier this month on the occasion of the founding
of the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy in Singapore,
he predicted that India would be propelled into the "front
ranks".
In this amazing speech,
crammed with information and analysis, he argued that,
over the next decades, "China and India will shake
the world... In some industries, [these countries] have
already leapfrogged the rest of Asia."
The question I want to
investigate here is whether this optimism, which seems
to be widely shared - from Martin Wolf in the Financial
Times to Roger Cohen in the International Herald Tribune
- is founded in facts.
The short answer is yes.
While India has been doing well for more than a decade
now, there have been changes over the past three years
that are significant. I shall dwell on four of these changes.
First, Indian companies
have come of age.
This was noted by Mr Lee.
When he spoke about what India had to offer China, he
mentioned India's "near world-class companies",
good corporate governance and capital market transparency.
This began with software
companies like Infosys, Wipro and Tata Consultancy Services,
which set new standards in corporate culture, and spread
to other sectors.
And, aided by the sharp
rise in foreign exchange reserves, Indian companies have,
over the past three years, begun making global acquisitions.
In 2003 they bought up
35 companies abroad. Buying even one would have been unthinkable
a few years earlier.
Back-tracked
Second, there has been
a windfall in India's outsourcing business, related to
the US presidential race.
Readers will recall that
losing Democrat candidate John Kerry had criticised US
companies that outsourced back-office work to developing
countries.
He later back-tracked on
this, realising that this was not good economics for the
US and also that it was not commendable ethics to propagate
protectionism vis-a-vis poor nations.
But once this topic made
its appearance, it refused to go away.
A host of writers and commentators
on television, such as Lou Dobbs, went out of their way
to vilify American companies that, for greed of profit,
outsourced jobs.
A lot of small American
companies that had the greed of profit but did not know
of this great opportunity suddenly woke up to it.
Firms that may have had
four or five secretaries decided to keep some of them
and shipped the remaining jobs to English-speaking poor
nations.
For the Third World this
was an unexpected boon, since advertising on US television
is so expensive.
A large number of countries
have gained and India, which already had the organisational
infrastructure for back-office work, did especially well.
Optimism
Third, with China joining
the World Trade Organisation, India having removed quantity
controls on imports, and the advance of the IT industry,
there has been an unprecedented rise in Indo-Chinese trade.
The trade between these
two nations was $5bn in 2002, $7.6bn in 2003 and $13.6bn
in 2004.
Moreover, what is interesting
is that it is India that is running a trade surplus.
In general, there seems
to be a boost in India's trade with the rest of Asia.
Finally, these strong economic
developments come with a fortuitous political change,
no matter what moral position one takes on this.
With the rise of global
terrorism, US political interests have come into alignment
with India's.
As Thomas Simons, ex-US
ambassador to Pakistan, has noted, the Soviets left Afghanistan
in February 1989 and insurgency in Kashmir rose from the
summer of that year.
The fundamentalist forces
that were engaging the Soviets began settling into a new
job, providing a common problem for the US and India.
And combined with the fact
that India and the US share similar political systems
- democracy, free press and a constitutional commitment
to secularism - this makes India a natural strategic partner
for the US.
India should nurture these
new economic and political advantages.
This will involve a pragmatic
assessment of its self-interest but also, I like to believe,
a commitment to certain values.
It will entail cooperation
with China and the US, but also the strength to retain
moral independence in global politics.
And there would be reason
to take the new optimism seriously.
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